This article provides Asia-Pacific Defense FORUM readers an overview of the U.S. military's role in the Asia-Pacific. It discusses Pacific Command's assessment of the Asia-Pacific, our strategy and a few points on how we view our relations with our neighbors throughout the region.

The Region

U.S. Pacific Command's home base is in Honolulu, Hawaii. Its assigned area of responsibility extends from the west coast of North America to the east coast of Africa and includes 43 nations. The Asia-Pacific region includes over half the world's surface, well over half its population, and when combined with the United States, over half the world's economy.

Over the course of the past year the Asia-Pacific region has seen considerable change. The backdrop for this change remains the continuing economic crisis that plagues much of the region. In addition there are recent developments on the Korean peninsula, tests of nuclear devices by India and Pakistan, and changes of government in the Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia, and Japan. America's economic, political and military interests in the Pacific are diverse and continue to expand. These interests compel us to permanent and active involvement in the region.

The U.S. and Asia have become more interdependent as our trade has grown dramatically over the last generation. Trade with the region accounts for over $500 billion per year, approximately 35% of total U.S. trade. Today, the economic product of Asia is about 36% of the world's total. By the year 2020, it is estimated this will increase to about 50%. America's economic future remains merged with this region.

Demographically, the region contains over 56% of the earth's population.

Millions of American citizens live along or within the Pacific region. As we look to the future, solving any global problem will require that we work together with the people and governments of the Asia-Pacific.

Militarily, five of America's seven mutual defense treaties are with Asia-Pacific nations. The world's six largest militaries operate in the region. America has an enduring interest in ensuring that no hostile coalition arises in the Asia-Pacific. It is not in anyone's interest for any state, including the United States, to become a Pacific hegemon.

All of these interests bind the U.S. to the Asia-Pacific and we are committed for the long term. Clearly the U.S. interest lies in a secure, stable and prosperous Asia-Pacific region.

The Asia-Pacific region is generally at peace, but is not free from the possibility of major conflict. The U.S. has fought three major wars there in the last century and since 1950 the U.S. has lost more lives in Asia than in the rest of the world combined. Other than the United Nations and still untested regional organizations such as the ARF, there are no integrating regional institutions to reconcile conflicting ambitions. Thus, all nations must work to develop avenues for stability and security.

The Framework

Pacific Command's mission is to promote peace, to deter aggression, to respond to crises and, if necessary, to fight and win in order to guarantee security and stability throughout the Asia-Pacific region.

Pacific Command plans, coordinates and directs joint operations in peace, crisis and war. We want to be an active player, partner and beneficiary in pursuit of a secure, prosperous and democratic Asia-Pacific community. The word "partner" is key--and relatively new. As we have moved from a Cold War posture to today, we are determined to work as partners with the other countries in the region.

Our military strategy derives from two fundamental premises. The first is that there is a merge of political, economic and military aspects of security. These aspects are interdependent and cannot be advanced separately. Promoting military contacts is important, but only part of advancing the overall relationship.

As CINCPAC, I am responsible for the military security piece of this relationship. We work very closely with our State Department and with the foreign offices in other nations. Frequent calls with ambassadors and their country teams, to discuss regional issues, is a good example of this cooperation.

Our second premise is that security, especially military security, undergirds the stable conditions that are prerequisite for economic and political prosperity. Mr. Joseph Nye, former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense, said, "Security is like oxygen; when you have it, you don't think much about it; when you don't have it, it is all you can think about." In the words of Singapore's Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew, "Security is the oxygen that fuels the economic engine of Asia." Perhaps the best illustration of this premise comes from U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright who said, "Economic systems rest on political order, political order rests on military security."

Our Strategy

Recent events and the changes evident in the region have caused us to re-examine the U.S. Pacific Command strategy. After this re-look, I believe that our strategy is sufficiently flexible and robust to accommodate this transitional period. The first part of our strategy encompasses our normal peacetime interactions in the region--our day-to-day business. The second and third parts are designed to address the divergent or unpredicted events that may occur.

This strategy is simple and has three aspects: Preventive defense, crisis response, and the ability to fight and win a major conflict.

The concept of preventive defense is similar to the concept of preventive medicine--the common goal is to avoid illness before it occurs. In peacetime we focus on activities which reassure the region of our commitment and deter conflict. Day-to-day, these activities take many forms, including meetings, exercises and joint training, high-level visits, port calls, and multinational conferences such as those hosted by our Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies in Honolulu. We are building relationships that can prevent and deter conflict.

When specific events threaten to bring about crises or conflict, we are prepared to respond with credible and ready military forces to deter violence, reinforce diplomacy, and position critical capabilities should deterrence fail. Let me offer some examples. Two years ago during the China-Taiwan crisis, the Chinese People's Liberation Army fired missiles off Kaohsiung and Taipei and we reacted, in a measured manner, by dispatching two carrier battle groups to the region--a credible military force that helped defuse the situation.

Another example, both of preventive defense and crisis response, occurred in July 1997 when factional fighting broke out in Cambodia, endangering foreign citizens living there. After a call to the head of the Thai military, General Mongkon Ampornpisit, we were able to deploy a Joint Special Operations Task Force to Thailand within 48hours. As it turned out, we didn't use the forces, but they gave our leaders and others confidence they were ready if needed.

Finally, this year as rising political and economic tensions caused civil unrest and a change of government in Indonesia, we conducted a precautionary evacuation of U.S. nationals from the country. If the situation had deteriorated further, an amphibious ready group was standing by to complete the evacuation, though this was not necessary.

The last resort is our ability to fight and win. Should diplomatic efforts fail to deter conflict, we are prepared to fight and win quickly and decisively. We prefer to fight with the support of allies and coalition partners, but we will fight alone if necessary. The best example of this component of our strategy is the situation on the Korean peninsula. The allied coalition's undoubted ability to fight and win has ensured the peace in that tension-fraught region for 45 years.

An able, responsible military is an essential guarantor of peace. Our capacity to fight and win enables us to focus on preventive defense day in and day out.

Our Forces

The U.S. Pacific Command has more than 300,000 military personnel from all our services: Army, Air Force, Navy and Marines. If needed, we can also call upon America's national assets. Our forward-deployed forces comprise approximately 100,000 personnel and military assets. This number symbolizes our commitment to the region. Even more important, however, is the powerful military capability this figure represents--a capability that reassures the region and enables us to react to potential crises.

Our Focus--Key Issues

With that backdrop, let me now review our most important military security goals for the immediate future. Working steadily to preserve our pivotal security relationship with Japan. Laying sound foundations for our growing relationship with China. Continuing to help provide a secure environment for a non-cataclysmic reconciliation on the Korean peninsula. Looking at ways to improve our military relationship with India for the future. In concert with other branches of our government, we are doing what we can to help our friends in Southeast Asia, Korea and Japan cope with their financial crisis.

Let me now take you on a brief tour around the region and offer some of our views on relations with a few particular nations.

Japan

Our relationship with Japan, a staunch ally, is the pivotal security relationship in the Pacific and remains the linchpin for regional stability. The new Defense Guidelines transition our cooperation from Cold War threat-based arrangements to functional arrangements. This review is not intended to give Japan's military a new regional role but to facilitate a better understanding of U.S. and GOJ military cooperation. We take seriously concerns about our alliance with Japan and work hard to maintain openness.

Our relationship provides a good venue for exploring and solving minor differences in the interests of both parties. The U.S.-Japan alliance provides a good example of how two nations can overcome historical animosities to work toward common goals.

Japan's significant challenges include their ongoing leadership transition and the continuing impact of the financial crisis in Asia. As Japan goes, so goes Asia--any resolution of the situation will depend in large measure on the actions of Japan.

China

China's size, importance, and growing economic and military power make it the backdrop against which most issues in the region are viewed. A secure, open, stable, prosperous, and responsible China is in the U.S. interest.

The Chinese face enormous challenges. Although China continues to modernize its military, economic development and growth remain China's first priority. The Chinese leaders we meet, including Chief of the General Staff Gen. Fu Quanyou, Minister of Defense Gen. Chi Haotian, and even President Jiang Zemin, agree their country faces the unique challenges of feeding, clothing, housing, employing and providing energy to 1.2 billion people--a challenge of a magnitude few governments can contemplate.

We recognize Taiwan is a core sovereignty issue for China. The U.S. is committed to "One-China," as defined in the three joint communiqués and the Taiwan Relations Act. The Chinese recognize the American people have committed themselves to peaceful resolution of Taiwan issues. We are encouraged by the resumption of cross-Strait dialogue. The Taiwan question can only be settled by Chinese people on both sides of the Strait, peacefully and over time.

U.S.-China relations can take several paths, from partnership to coexistence to competition. U.S. Pacific Command's aim is to promote closer military-to-military ties that are a part of the "constructive strategic partnership" called for by our two Presidents. When President Jiang Zemin visited Honolulu in 1997, he remarked, "before there can be trust there must first be understanding." Our goal is to develop and increase that understanding by expanding our contacts to include younger officers. As former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Colin Powell, noted, "when two generals meet, it's good for a few years (until they retire). When two lieutenants meet, it's good for 20-30 years."

China will play a critical role in determining if the next century is one of conflict or cooperation. Our common goals and interests far outweigh our differences. I remain optimistic that we can forge a relationship with China that will meet our mutual interests and work to the benefit of all nations of the world.

Korea

The Korean peninsula remains the region's most potentially volatile flashpoint. The recent missile launch and infiltration efforts reveal the continuing unpredictability of the North Korean regime. While the likelihood of conflict may not be high, the consequences would be severe--so we remain prepared. We are not going to walk away from that area of the region and surrender the security and stability so many have worked and sacrificed for.

Though weakened, the North Korean military still retains a dangerous "lash-out" capability. U.S. forces work closely with our South Korean allies to deter this possibility. Additionally, we are deeply concerned with the impact of the region's economic crisis on South Korea as well as North Korea's development of weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles.

We support President Kim Dae Jung's engagement policy with North Korea as well as Korean aspirations for reunification, beginning with a process of peaceful reconciliation. Reconciliation is a logical first step that can transform tension and threat into stability. The situation there could take several possible paths before are unification of the two Koreas is realized. While the Korean people will determine the pace, reconciliation should proceed slowly, due to the costs and the cultural and economic differences that have grownup over the last fifty years.

Southeast Asia

Indonesia and Thailand, both of strategic importance in the region, have been the hardest hit by the current Asia financial crisis. Even in times of prosperity, governing Indonesia is a daunting task. With its large population, many languages, 17,508islands, drought, and rising food prices, the potential for instability is high. Complicating current economic difficulties are the political questions posed by recent leadership changes. Indonesia's armed forces, ABRI, will continue to have an important role to play in the difficult days ahead.

Thailand, a key U.S. security partner in the region, also faces hard times. The U.S. government and U.S. Pacific Command continue to work with Thailand to ease the strain of the financial crisis. We have taken concrete steps to ease the financial burden of military programs, including reshaping the size, scope, and timing of military contacts, and looking for ways to reduce the impact of the crisis on security assistance programs. The Royal Thai Armed Forces have earned much-deserved praise for their stabilizing role over the last year.

Singapore remains strong and steady in the region. Relatively less affected by the financial crisis, this city-state views the U.S. pragmatically. My sense is that Singapore's leaders view the U.S. as an honest broker in the region and recognize our contributions to world peace and stability.

India

A nation of vast economic, political and military potential, India is an important player in the Asia-Pacific region and in the global community. It is also a nation with which we share a democratic form of government. Until recently, we had been making progress in our bilateral relations with India, including increasingly robust military-to-military ties. India's regrettable decision to resume nuclear testing after a hiatus of 24 years, however, is a major setback. Moreover, the Indian tests, followed by Pakistan's and unhelpful rhetoric on both sides, have increased tensions on the subcontinent. Our immediate goals are to help reduce those tensions, restrain further missile and nuclear activity, and encourage a substantive India-Pakistan bilateral dialogue. To contribute now and over the longer term, U.S. Pacific Command intends to remain constructively and actively engaged with India within the limits ofthe sanctions imposed under U.S. law.

Russia

Russia is geographically the largest country in the world, rich in natural resources, a major nuclear power with a seat on the UN Security Council, and a technologically advanced nation, particularly in ballistic missile and space technology. However, this nation is participating only minimally in the prosperity and security of East Asia. The United States has a clear interest in Russia's development into a prosperous, democratic nation with a free market economy. Pacific Command's efforts focus on keeping the Far East Military District and the Pacific Ocean Fleet involved in preventive defense in the region.

The Future

As a Pacific nation, the United States remains committed to the vast and changing Asia-Pacific region for the long-term. Working in-step with our political and economic counterparts, U.S. Pacific Command's focus remains on providing military security. Our strategy of Preventive Defense, along with our readiness to respond to crisis or conflict, helps ensure the secure conditions undergirding regional stability.

As military professionals, we are "paid pessimists" and are expected to "keep our powder dry." However, this does not prevent us from being optimists about the future of the Asia-Pacific. I remain convinced that by engaging in dialogue informed by mutual understanding and respect for each other's views, and by maintaining our position of strength, we can best contribute to peace, stability, and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region.