Multilateral Military Law Conference in Manila
- continued -

Dr. Hamzah described four "truths:" First, while treaties and international agreements define certain behavioral parameters, states can unilaterally choose to ignore these under the guise of political imperatives, economic demands, and other self-serving actions. Second, oceans serve and link the international community, and acknowledging that fact demands global cooperation. Third, "impermissible" actions by any one state have an adverse impact on global security. Finally, while compliance with established international law is expected, it is not the sole rationale. Dr. Hamzah noted that military officers, in particular, still have an obligation to exercise prudence, discretion, and good judgment.

Humanitarian Intervention

Mr. Rene Kosirnik, Deputy Director for International Law and Communication, ICRC, spoke on "Humanitarian Intervention – An Emerging Rule of International Law? An ICRC perspective." Mr. Kosirnik noted that the ICRC, founded in 1863, is now composed of 175 National Red Cross or Red Crescent Societies. Mr. Kosirnik also stressed that the legal determination to use military force to resolve humanitarian violations is beyond ICRC purview. That said, ICRC has a formal "lobbying" role to ensure humanitarian law is respected and applied, regardless of the issues. To that extent, ICRC proposes – and works to develop – international humanitarian law. The ICRC’s four tenets – humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence – underscore its raison d’être.

But the process of "intervention" has evolved over the years, in effect gaining strength by strict adherence to the concept that certain humanitarian actions are so compelling, that international borders are no longer barriers to assistance. Indeed, the international doctors organization, Medicines sans Frontieres ("Doctors Without Borders"), defined the concept and argued that certain basic humanitarian needs were so profound, action was justified. While a group of dedicated doctors and nurses appear, admittedly, less threatening than an international military force, the intervention itself is still offensive to some states. In point of fact, some states argue their sovereignty permits them to define the circumstances under which their citizens live–regardless of perceptions by the outside world.

When should such intervention take place? How severe must the humanitarian crisis be? And when does a state relinquish – to the international community – its right to govern according to its norms? The answer is not patently obvious nor, Mr. Kosirnik stated, is it within ICRC purview. Previous international law provided for only one type of humanitarian intervention: to protect or evacuate people who could no longer rely on the host government for safety. Today, these operations are intended to save lives or stop abuses perpetrated by governments against its own people. Somalia is a case in point. Hence the need to define the type of intervention and articulate respective roles.

Mr. Kosirnik stressed military forces cannot be relief workers. Those are separate and distinct roles that are, however, not mutually exclusive. Military forces can come between combatants, enforce peace and, if necessary, address threats in a manner appropriate to the circumstances. Relief workers, however, must concentrate on their missions, and dispense aid according to need, not politics. When urgent and basic humanitarian needs are required, internationally backed military intervention may be the only way to ensure relief by humanitarian institutions. Mr. Kosirnik noted that armed forces have the capability and training to move significant amounts of material in a relatively short period of time, and this assistance may be the vanguard of future support by the international community. However, that fact should not "politically color" the subsequent (purely civilian) relief effort that follows.

The ICRC believes the 1949 Geneva Conventions define the rationale for humanitarian intervention, i.e., that states are compelled to intervene in good faith adherence to the principles subscribed to by all. In 1977, Article 89 of Additional Protocol I was passed, which states, in effect, signatories undertake to act, either unilaterally or in concert with others, to address "serious violations" impacting humanitarian rights. To be certain, noted Mr. Kosirnik, the Articles are silent on what action is to be taken, only stressing that action should be taken consistent with other obligations under the common framework. Of course, intervention "actions" could include, but are not necessarily limited to, diplomatic representations and pressure, sanctions, and a systematic policy for prosecuting war criminals.

Mr. Kosirnik stated that while military force may be considered the ultimate means to fulfill the "collective obligation" in instances where humanitarian concerns are pre-eminent, neither the law of war (jus in bello) nor conditions in which armed force may be lawfully used (jus ad bellum) specifically articulate that authority. Instead, and in the absence of specific international law, "[international humanitarian law] does not prohibit the use of armed force to put an end to serious violations...when less coercive measures have failed."

Back ..... Up To Top  ..... Next